Category Archives: Bangladesh

For a face in that empty space

Shahana Siddiqui

Published in the Daily Star on 19 June 2010.

This piece calls for a debate on the responsibility of fatherhood.

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How Will the Global Economic Slowdown Effect Bangladesh?

Published in the Forum (May 2008 )

These are difficult times for the global economy. Economic growth is weakening around the world, reflecting the fallout from the sub-prime mortgage crisis and associated financial market turbulence. A recession appears to be imminent in the United States — the question now is about its severity and length. Other developed economies are also expected to slow. As are, to a lesser extent, major emerging economies in Asia. And the slowdown is happening in a period of significant inflationary pressure, complicating the job of macroeconomic policymakers.

What has caused the slowdown? What is the global economic outlook? What is the outlook for Bangladesh? If the global slowdown is much more protracted than the current forecasts, what would be the impacts on Bangladesh? Continue reading

National security: The democratic model

Mashuqur Rahman and Sikder Haseeb Khan

Published in the Forum (Feb 2008)

Preserving and protecting national security is one of the most important responsibilities of any government. As foreign policy and national security challenges have become more complex, governments have looked to devise appropriate analytic and decision-making bodies. One such innovation has been the National Security Council.

In democracies that have adopted the National Security Council, the council acts as an advisory body on national security policy to an elected head of government. It is subordinate to the head of government (which in Bangladesh would be the prime minister), and has no authority over the decisions of the government’s chief executive. In its more severe form, however, the National Security Council is often used to exert military control over policy, even after power is handed over to civilian governments (Thailand is an example of this). Continue reading

The problem with evil: Addressing 1971

Tazreena Sajjad

Published in the Forum (Feb 2008)

“The problem is why we can or should no longer speak of evil, and why who so seem to be increasingly suspect, self-serving and irrational; why to speak of evil is in a peculiar way to perpetuate it, but at the same time, to refuse to be contaminated by the word is to perpetuate what it denotes … the repertoire of evil has never been richer, yet never have our responses been so weak.”
— Andrew Delbanco

Artwork by Kamrul Hasan

At a talk in Washington D.C. in January, I heard the following: “[T]here is talk in Bangladesh right now of trying the war criminals, you know, those who sided with Pakistan, having these tribunals, but I personally think it’s not the time for Bangladesh to come up with policies that divide the people. Continue reading

The new way forward

Asif Saleh

Published in the Forum (January 2008)

I carry a Newsweek from last year that has on its cover a profile of a confident young sari clad woman and a caption that blazes: “New India.” My dream is to have Bangladesh on that cover one day, flashing: “The Resurgent Bangladesh.”

In January this year, like most of the populace, I had hoped that we could begin that journey towards resurgence. But it didn’t take long for that bubble to burst. There have been a lot of negatives and positives in the past eleven months. Mistakes have been made, credibilities have been dismantled, moral authority has been lost.

But it is not too late to start to get that Newsweek cover out in 2009 — after our election. If our current power holders can assess where they are now and be innovative about the next few months towards the election, it is still possible to bring back that positive aspiration that has now all but disappeared.

Lessons for the caretakers
The four most important lessons that the government should take from the past few months are:

  • The capacity of this government is much more limited compared to the tasks they have taken.
  • The political forces are a reality in Bangladesh and they will not just disappear without a fight.
  • A policy is a bad one if it does not take into account its macro impact.
  • With no direct mandate or moral authority, its not possible to forcibly make drastic changes in the rules of the game without disastrous side effects.

As the government started implementing a more expansionist agenda with increasingly less transparency, its acceptability has gone down and its legitimacy has been questioned. Its response to these events have caused a further down-ward shift in popularity. The moral authority with which the government came to power has slowly eroded over the last eleven months, making it more vulnerable to various internal pressure groups. That pressure is only going to increase if there is no drastic change in how the caretaker government is approaching reform and the upcoming election, and chances are the government may resort to harsher measures to stop the dissent.

There are twelve months left to the election. For a government whose legitimacy is now increasingly under question because of the sweeping changes it is trying to make, that is a long time for things to go as per plan. They must understand that it will be impossible for people to have complete faith in their end game without restoring their moral authority to previous heights. Ultimately, the big question is will the status quo work and what is the best way to move forward keeping the big picture in sight.

In order to see whether the existing set up will work, one must look at the issues that are currently facing the government.

Moral authority
When the government came to power, it was told that it would be purely judged by its actions, and its acceptability and legitimacy will solely depend on their being able to continue to carry the moral authority they came to power with. Unfortunately, the moral authority has somewhat eroded due to certain actions. Unquestionably, the government scored its biggest points by taking on the untouchable high almighties. However, widely reported human rights abuse cases still remain unpunished. The result is that there is a growing number of people who feel the justice is not so blind towards the neo-ruling class.

With a goal towards setting a standard for good governance, along with coming up with a lot of good measures, the advisers themselves have not been able to stand out. As politicians are getting jailed for lying in their wealth statements and government officers are being asked to provide their own wealth statements, the advisers themselves and the our top power brokers strangely seem out of the whole process, not having to furnish their own wealth statements. Most importantly, the government seems to be taking fundamental policy decisions, claiming mandate without bothering to justify it.

The current caretaker government has set a precedent in dealing the politicians who have established reputations in corruption or have been perceived to be corrupt. The efforts were initially seen as cleaning up the politicians’ mess. But it is setting a dangerous precedent for the future. Similarly, the amount of policy decisions they are taking without clear constitutional legitim- macy is setting an alarming precedent that our constitution can be ignored as long as you can claim the people are with you.

The government has tried to engineer the reform process and break up the political parties. With the falling popularity of the government, these reformers are increasing being seen as the latest in the turncoat politicians that the country has seen. In the process, the government has successfully managed to completely disengage the majority of the parties and their grassroots workers.

Given the issues of legitimacy, this government will simply be unable to govern without addressing the issues above. Nothing short of a wholesale change in government policy will actually do that.

Lessons from Iraq and Nepal
The current political mess in Iraq began when the United States banned all members of the Ba’ath party from the new government, as well as from public schools and colleges. Under the previous rule of the Ba’ath party, one could not reach high positions in the government or in the schools without becoming a party member. So by excluding the Baathists, US designed ways to block many experienced and able people to participate in the new government. By the time, they reversed this policy, it was far too late and the political vacuum was filled by far more dangerous extremist elements in the country. The present regime in Bangladesh, has successfully portrayed politics to be a dirty word and decided to leave the politicians out of the process of cleaning up their “mess.” But the end result of this might not be a new set of clean political leaders, but possibly rather sporadic violent protests and the political land grabbing of opportunists like Jamaat-e-Islami,

As the government claims that conspiracies by the “evil-doers” from the political parties caused the unrest a few months ago, it is also tacitly accepting that the political parties are capable of shutting the country down completely as well.

Is nation building for the supposed new era possible without the millions of people that support the mainstream BNP and Awami League? Without venues for expressing dissent, the response from these groups is bound to become increasingly violent if they are not brought in as stakeholders in the process. Similarly, political parties must try to engage in meaningful conversation with the powers that be. In this context, a meaningful national dialogue is in the best interest of the country to come up with a roadmap towards a functional democracy with all the key parties having a stake.

In order to make the political parties stakeholders in the process, we can suggest that the caretaker government should be revamped within the framework of the constitution to include politicians. Some of the advisers from the current lot should be replaced by members of key political parties. The trust between the government and the parties must be brought back. The main political parties along with all the stakeholders in the current government need to come together and sign a national accord to agree on keeping some of the existing reform agenda to be pushed after election by whoever is in power. We have examples of such agreement where in 1991 both BNP and AL agreed to revert to parliamentary democracy in 1991 after the election.

The national accord among other things can discuss having an election like the Nepal model to elect an assembly that may be in place for two years with a room to review the constitution and make amendments as necessary based on what worked and did not work in the past 16 years. Nepal is heading to election to elect a constituent assembly for two years, that will decide the future of monarchy in the country among other things. Not only they are resolving the long-standing Maoist problem by bringing them into the political process, they also are forming a truth commission for all the minority communities to come together and form a constitution where the rights of all these groups are well protected.

Similarly, Bangladesh also can elect a constituent assembly which will be responsible for implementing solutions for the long-standing issues that have plagued our country. This will implement further reforms agreed to by all the parties and further strengthen reform and institution building for the following two years with a much needed legitimacy in their actions.

Post 1/11, the country looked forward to a new kind of politics. Unfortunately, due to some poor decision making, the country is headed for the same old confrontational politics and election boycotting. It is time to throw the challenge back to all the groups to show some vision and far-sightedness.

On one hand we need to admit, the politics and democracy practiced in the last fifteen years had flaws and on the other hand we must acknowledge politicians are key stakeholders in our future progress and bypassing them forcibly will only bring more chaos and unwanted results. So let’s have national unity and regeneration as the key goal towards any future settlement in order to see that Resurgent Bangladesh that we all envision.

On agflation

Jyoti Rahman

Published in the Forum (November 2007)

Rising food price inflation is a major, perhaps the most important, economic issue facing the country. But it’s not only in Bangladesh where food prices are rising. It’s a global phenomenon that the Economist has dubbed agflation.1 There are macro and microeconomic reasons behind agflation, and policies to combat it will have to take these factors into account.

Let’s start with the global reasons. There are three reasons behind the global agflation. First, concerns about the effects of climate change have resulted in a rapid rise in the demand for bio-fuel whose production relies on corn. This has led to rises in the price of corn and its substitutes like wheat and other grains. Second, rapidly rising prosperity in poorer countries, particularly India and China, are raising global demand for food products, and are thus fuelling price rises. Continue reading

Where Deshantori ends, Phiriye Ano Bangladesh begins

Mridul Chowdhury  

Published in the Forum (August 2007) 

The writer reflects upon what he learned making the film and in attending screenings of it in several cities across the world

One boat, 42 lives; 17 dead, 25 waiting to die — they have been floating on the sea for about 10 days without food or water. One looks at another as potential “food” and wonders which part of a dead-body may be easier to swallow, while another uses his last breath to look for something sharp enough to cut up a dead-body.

This was the experience that a group of young Bangladeshis had to go through as they undertook an illegal journey in early 2005 to reach Spain. Continue reading